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Research and Opinions​

Welcome to Research & Opions.
A lot of you have asked to read my longer-form writing—things that don’t fit inside The Wanted Files, where I keep the focus on verified facts and a victim-centered approach. This page is where I share essays, research notes, and analysis pieces, including occasional opinion-based commentary. These posts reflect my perspective and are meant to explore systems, patterns, and bigger questions—not to speculate about individual cases. If you’d like more of this type of writing, I’ll continue adding to this section over time.
Serial Killers: Sons of Patriarchy
​A revised student research paper - 2018 (web edition with updated resources)
By A.C. Roberts
Revised for publication: May2026

Abstract
Serial murder is often framed as individual pathology: rare “monsters” committing extraordinary violence. This piece argues that while individual factors matter, serial violence also reflects social conditions—especially patriarchal norms that gender power, reward domination, and normalize the dehumanization of certain victims. Using a systems lens, I examine how patriarchal socialization, entitlement, emotional restriction, and institutional blind spots can shape patterns in serial offending and victim selection. I also consider how gendered expectations influence the interpretation of women who kill, and how intersecting systems like racism, poverty, and homophobia intensify vulnerability and investigative neglect. The goal is not to reduce serial murder to a single cause, but to show how patriarchy can function as a risk-amplifying context that influences who is harmed, whose cases mobilize resources, and how violence is narrated.

Introduction
Violence does not occur in a vacuum. It reflects the social systems that shape power, identity, and whose lives are treated as valuable. In many societies, patriarchy remains one of the most influential of these systems: a structure that organizes power along gender lines and often elevates dominance, control, and emotional suppression as markers of “masculinity.” Serial murder is rare compared to overall homicide, but its patterns are culturally revealing. A large proportion of known offenders are men, and victims are frequently women and other socially vulnerable groups. This paper asks: What changes when we interpret serial violence not only as individual pathology, but also as an extreme expression of cultural permission, entitlement, and institutional neglect? To be clear: this is not an attempt to “blame men” as a category, nor to claim patriarchy is the only cause. Most men do not commit violence, and most people exposed to trauma do not become offenders. Instead, this piece argues patriarchy can shape the conditions in which certain forms of violence are more likely to emerge, persist, and be minimized—especially when victims fall outside the groups institutions prioritize.

Defining serial murder
The FBI has defined serial murder as the unlawful killing of two or more victims by the same offender(s) in separate events. Federal guidance also notes that serial murder often involves a psychological component and may include a “cooling-off” period between killings, though real cases vary and categorical boundaries are debated. This piece uses “serial murder” in the broad sense of repeated, separate-event homicide by the same offender(s), with attention to how social and institutional conditions can affect both offending and detection.

Theoretical framework: patriarchy, power, and violence
Patriarchy is commonly theorized as a system in which men disproportionately hold power in institutions and cultural narratives, and where gendered dominance is normalized. In violence research, patriarchy is frequently used to keep focus on power, control, and social conditions rather than treating violence as purely individual deviance. A closely related concept is hegemonic masculinity, which describes culturally dominant ideals of manhood that can reward toughness, control, and emotional restriction. Importantly, hegemonic masculinity does not describe all men; it describes a hierarchy of expectations that can shape behavior, social status, and “acceptable” emotional expression.
When these expectations intersect with other risk factors (such as severe childhood abuse, antisocial traits, or social isolation), they may encourage externalization of rage, entitlement to control others, and the objectification of victims. Patriarchy does not “create” serial killers by itself, but it can supply a cultural logic that turns harm into domination and domination into identity.

Gender patterns in serial murder (and why they matter)
Many datasets show that most identified serial offenders are men (often cited as around nine in ten in U.S. samples), though proportions vary by country, time period, definition, and detection practices. If serial murder were only about individual pathology, we would not expect such consistent gender skews across decades and datasets. A structural lens suggests gendered power norms can affect: who is socialized toward dominance as identity, who is targeted as “available” or less protected, and how institutions interpret risk and credibility.

A useful comparison point is broader violent offending. In U.S. arrest data, males accounted for 79.1% of persons arrested for violent crimes in 2018 (and 87.8% of those arrested for murder and nonnegligent manslaughter).   At the global level, UNODC reports that men commit about 90% of recorded homicides worldwide.   At the same time, the prevalence of any mental illness in the United States is higher among females (26.4%) than males (19.7%) in recent NIMH estimates.  This contrast does not imply that mental illness “causes” violence (most people with mental illness are not violent), but it does suggest that focusing only on individual pathology misses an important pattern: violence is deeply gendered, and that pattern points back to socialization, opportunity structures, and cultural norms about power, control, and acceptable emotional expression.
(Note: this paper was originally drafted in 2018; the parenthetical figures reflect updated reporting.)

Patriarchal socialization and the mechanics of domination
Serial murder is not a single phenomenon with one motive, but many serial cases involve themes of control, possession, humiliation, and dehumanization. Investigative guidance emphasizes that interpreting motivation and behavior is complex and that investigators must be careful with assumptions, but it also acknowledges the recurring psychological dynamics present in many serial cases.
Patriarchal cultures can contribute to these dynamics in several ways:
  1. Entitlement as permission: Patriarchal norms can teach some men that authority is expected and that rejection is humiliation. In the most extreme cases, violence becomes a corrective—an attempt to “reassert” status or punish perceived loss of control.
  2. Emotional restriction and externalized rage: vulnerability is coded as weakness, distress may be redirected into anger, and anger may be legitimized as action. This does not excuse violence; it describes a social pathway that can shape how pain is expressed.
  3. Objectification and target selection: When women, marginalized people, or socially isolated individuals are culturally devalued, their victimization can be treated as less urgent. That devaluation can reduce perceived risk for offenders and slow institutional response.

Why the male-skew is so persistent (a patriarchal lens)
​
The disproportionate number of male serial offenders is unlikely to be explained by individual pathology alone. A patriarchal framework helps account for this pattern by focusing on how power and violence are socially learned, rewarded, and enabled. First, many cultures socialize boys toward dominance and status-seeking while discouraging vulnerability, which can increase the likelihood that distress is externalized as anger or control-seeking rather than processed relationally. Second, patriarchal norms can foster entitlement—especially sexual or interpersonal entitlement—where rejection is experienced as humiliation and power is equated with possession. Third, gendered social roles shape opportunity structures: men historically have had greater freedom of movement and social anonymity in public space, while women have been more constrained to private/domestic spheres. These differences affect access to victims, perceived risk, and the likelihood of detection. Finally, patriarchal hierarchies influence institutional response: victims who are marginalized or stigmatized (for example, those experiencing poverty, instability, or criminalization) are more likely to receive delayed attention, which can increase offender opportunity and reduce perceived consequences.
Brief case illustrations show how these dynamics appear in documented records without implying a single cause. For example, reporting and federal summaries of long-running investigations have emphasized how victim stigma and institutional blind spots can delay pattern recognition (e.g., cases involving vulnerable women whose disappearances initially received limited urgency). (Other cases illustrate offender self-framing around control and domination through communications with law enforcement and media, reinforcing violence as a performance of power rather than instrumental gain (e.g., the BTK case).  Still others illustrate how some offenders explicitly selected victims they believed would draw less attention—an exploitation of social devaluation rather than an absence of it.These examples do not “explain” serial murder by themselves, but they support the broader claim: when power is gendered, violence patterns often become gendered as well.
Case illustrations (documented entitlement, dehumanization, and institutional blind spots)
A systems lens becomes clearer when offender language and victim selection are examined through documented sources. Some serial offenders have described choosing victims they believed would draw less attention or fewer immediate resources—reflecting how stigma can be exploited as a form of cover. Other cases illustrate how the status of victims can influence detection over time. For example, federal reporting on one prolific offender notes that many victims’ deaths were initially classified as accidental, overdose-related, or undetermined, delaying recognition of a serial pattern. Similarly, reporting and scholarly commentary on long-running serial investigations have emphasized how victim vulnerability (poverty, marginalization, and stigma) can intersect with public attention and institutional urgency, shaping how quickly a pattern is identified and addressed. Research on sexual serial homicide also notes that a subset of offenders report potency difficulties in consensual contexts, and that in some cases sexual arousal becomes linked to dominance, fear, or coercion rather than mutual intimacy. This does not establish a single causal pathway, but it does provide context for how humiliation, threatened masculinity, and domination scripts may intersect in certain documented histories. These illustrations are not offered as “origin stories,” but as examples of how entitlement, dehumanization, and institutional blind spots can function as reinforcing conditions that increase vulnerability for some victims.

Women who kill: exception, stigma, and gendered interpretation
Women commit a smaller share of known serial homicides in many datasets, but they are not “outside” the gender system. Their offending is often interpreted through rigid expectations about femininity, caregiving, morality, and “appropriate” violence. A systems lens focuses less on stereotypes (“women kill for X”) and more on gendered pathways and contexts. For example: access to victims through caregiving or domestic proximity, constrained options under coercion or abuse, and the cultural invisibility of women’s aggression until it becomes undeniable.

High-profile cases involving women who killed within contexts of poverty, instability, or survival sex work have also demonstrated how structural vulnerability can be flattened into moral judgment in public narratives. Other cases show how caregiving roles can shape opportunity structures and how women who violate expected roles can be framed as uniquely transgressive—not only for the violence, but for stepping outside prescribed social scripts.
This is not an argument that women’s violence is always “caused by men.” It is an argument that gender roles shape opportunity, interpretation, and institutional response, including how women are investigated, prosecuted, and narrated.

Intersectionality: when patriarchy overlaps with race, class, and stigma
Patriarchy does not act alone. It interlocks with racism, class inequality, homophobia, and other hierarchies that structure whose disappearances are treated as emergencies. Research and reporting on serial homicide repeatedly highlight that marginalized victims are more likely to be overlooked or treated as “less solvable,” which can create prolonged opportunity for offenders. This is not only a policing issue; it is a social value issue. When victims are poor, transient, criminalized, or otherwise stigmatized, institutional urgency often drops. That reduction in urgency is a measurable form of vulnerability—and it can become part of how serial violence persists.

Institutions and media: the cultural machinery around serial murder
Patriarchy also shapes how serial murder is framed, including:
  1. Whose “risk” is believed: Credibility is socially assigned. Some victims are treated as inherently “high risk” and therefore less protected. That framing can shift responsibility from offender to victim and reduce pressure for rapid action.
  2. Who gets centered in the story: Media often builds narratives around offenders as fascinating “exceptions,” which can eclipse victims and reinforce myths of genius, inevitability, or charisma. This is not a new critique, but it remains relevant as true crime entertainment grows.
  3. How resources move: Investigations are shaped by budgets, politics, and public pressure. Cases that attract attention tend to generate resources; cases that do not often stall. Those patterns track social hierarchy, not only evidence.

“The decline” question: fewer serial killers, or fewer opportunities?
The modern decline may also be shaped by how much harder it is to move anonymously. Fewer people hitchhike, more interactions leave a digital trail, and location data, cameras, and rapid information-sharing can make predatory behavior easier to flag sooner. This doesn’t prove there are “fewer dangerous people,” but it does suggest that some offenders may be detected or stopped earlier—before their crimes develop into the kind of repeated pattern that would have been recognized as serial homicide in earlier decades.

Conclusion
In that light, the most unsettling question is not only why some individuals kill, but what kind of society makes repeated victimization easier to commit—and easier to ignore. If the cultural priorities were different—if care, accountability, and collective protection were structurally centered—would serial violence remain a recurring pattern, or would it be interrupted sooner? The answer is crucial, because it moves the lens of prevention from hindsight to design.

I am left with a final question: would serial murder persist at the same scale in a society organized around matriarchal or care-centered priorities? That is not an argument that matriarchy is a guarantee against violence. It is a reminder that social structures shape opportunity, vulnerability, and response. If we want fewer victims, we cannot focus only on offenders—we must also change the conditions that repeatedly leave some people unprotected.

Across many datasets, men and women who kill often show different patterns in how violence is carried out—differences that are frequently linked to opportunity, access, and social roles rather than biology. In many contexts, men’s violence is more likely to be enacted in public-facing or stranger settings, and may involve more overt physical force; women’s violence, when it occurs, is more commonly concentrated in domestic or caregiving environments, where access to victims is routine and methods may be less immediately visible. These patterns align with a gendered division of labor and a society that historically places women in roles of care while granting men broader freedom of movement, authority, and legitimacy in public space. In other words, method is not simply an individual preference—it often reflects the social architecture that shapes proximity, trust, oversight, and the kinds of power different people are permitted to hold.

Until we are willing to examine which lives are consistently treated as “less urgent,” we will keep mistaking patterns for anomalies.

Sources & Further Reading

Federal / investigative guidance
  • Federal Bureau of Investigation. Serial Murder (2008).
  • Federal Bureau of Investigation. Serial Murder: Pathways for Investigations.
  • Federal Bureau of Investigation. “Samuel Little: Confessions of a Killer” (news feature).
Research / academic foundations
  • Connell, R.W. Masculinities. University of California Press.
  • Messerschmidt, J.W. Masculinities and Crime: Critique and Reconceptualization of Theory.
  • Hunnicutt, G. “Varieties of patriarchy and violence against women: Resurrecting ‘patriarchy’ as a theoretical tool.” Violence Against Women (2009).
  • Sutton, M.R. (or similar peer-reviewed work on serial homicide typologies and “cooling-off” debates).
Data
  • Radford University / FGCU Serial Killer Database (Serial Killer Information Center; project description and statistics PDFs).
Context / analysis
  • Northeastern University News. “Why are there fewer serial killers now than there used to be?” (2023).
  • Penn Law (commentary). “Only ‘Good Victims’ Need Apply…” (Grim Sleeper analysis).
Case background (baseline references)
  • Encyclopaedia Britannica. “Aileen Wuornos.”
  • La Porte County Historical Society. “Belle Gunness” exhibit page.
  • West End Museum. “Jane Toppan” (historical overview).
  • Encyclopedia of Alabama. “Nannie Doss.” 
Masculinity norms, gender-role stress, and violence
  • APA overview: “Harmful masculinity” (good high-level framing + references you can cite).
  • Deconstructing Hegemonic Masculinity (peer-reviewed, PMC) — connects masculine norms, gender role stress, and violence pathways; very citeable.
  • Jewkes et al., “Hegemonic Masculinity, Violence, and Gender Equality” (SAGE) — “hegemonic masculinity” and violence prevention.
  • APA journal article (2024 PDF): “Hegemonic Masculinity, Intersectional Stigma, and IPV” — newer, psych-journal
  • Connell & Messerschmidt (2005) reference via Springer entry — useful for theoretical definition of hegemonic masculinity.
Victim-blaming and “who gets believed” psychology
  • “It’s Your Own Fault”: factors influencing victim blaming (2024, PMC) 
Opportunity structure / routine activity
  • Cohen & Felson (1979) original Routine Activity paper (PDF)
  • Routine Activity Theory overview (ScienceDirect topic page) 
Violent crime “mostly men” (2018; U.S. arrest data)
  • FBI UCR – Table 42 (Arrests by Sex, 2018): “Males accounted for 79.1% of persons arrested for violent crimes” (and 87.8% for murder/nonnegligent manslaughter). “~90%” figure (global homicide)
  • UNODC – Global Study on Homicide 2019 (Booklet 1: Executive summary) (this is where the widely cited “around 90% of homicide perpetrators are male” global framing comes from).
Mental illness prevalence (women higher than men)
  • NIMH – Mental Illness statistics (2022 AMI): notes AMI prevalence higher among females (26.4%) than males (19.7%).​
Further reading about marginalized victims and investigative bias 
  • Academic paper on investigative variables and marginalized victims
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